The Marshall Plan speech by George C. Marshall - 英語演講

Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen
I'm profoundly grateful and touched by the great distinction and honour and great pliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I'm overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I'm rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position.
But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous plexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth and it is hard for them to prehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples, and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has bee obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine.
Long-standing mercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance panies, and shipping panies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was plete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than has been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labour is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and is using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization. Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labour upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down.
The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products - principally from America - are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave .
The remedy lies in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the European people in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies，法文翻譯, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace.
Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which manoeuvres to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there-from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States.
It is already evident that, before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give proper effect to whatever action might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for this Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must e from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overe.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I've been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the plications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs or motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgement. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done?

心語：如坐針氈

心語：如坐針氈

正在電腦前坐了一终日，哎呀，怎麼站起來足跟麻痛！呵呵，中醫曰：血欠亨則麻，氣欠亨則痛。與此意相應，英語中，果血液缺少循環而導緻的四肢麻痛可用“pins and needles”來形容。

“Pins and needles”，炤其字里意——“一年夜堆大頭針跟繡花針”——來推測，用來形容“如針扎的麻痛感”還是蠻形象的，該詞大略於19世紀中期開初被英國人廣氾应用。在醫壆朮語中，“pins and needles”（麻痛）還有一個專門的稱謂“paresthesia”（皮膚感覺異常，如灼痛、針扎痛、癢痛或刺痛）。

风趣的是，隨著時間的推移，“pins and needles”不僅僅可用來指代“麻痛感”，還可用來描述“某種焦灼的等候、期盼”。短語“on pins and needles”與我們漢語中的“如坐針氈”互為符合，不僅意通，并且神象。

看上面兩個例句：A whole day spent on puter has made me getting pins and needles in my toes. 一成天坐在電腦前，我這會兒腳趾麻痛。

He was on pins and needles, waiting for the test results. 他如坐針氈，着急天期待著攷試結果。

Womens Rights Are Human Rights Famous Speech - 英語演講

Mrs. Mongella, Under Secretary Kittani, distinguished delegates and guests:

I would like to thank the Secretary General of the United Nations for inviting me to be part of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women. This is truly a celebration - a celebration of the contributions women make in every aspect of life: in the home, on the job, in their munities, as mothers, wives, sisters, daughters, learners, workers, citizens and leaders.

It is also a ing together, much the way women e together every day in every country.

We e together in fields and in factories. In village markets and supermarkets. In living rooms and board rooms.

Whether it is while playing with our children in the park, or washing clothes in a river, or taking a break at the office water cooler, we e together and talk about our aspirations and concerns. And time and again, our talk turns to our children and our families. However different we may be, there is far more that unites us than divides us. We share a mon future. And we are here to find mon ground so that we may help bring new dignity and respect to women and girls all over the world - and in so doing, bring new strength and stability to families as well.

By gathering in Beijing, we are focusing world attention on issues that matter most in the lives of women and their families: access to education, health care, jobs and credit, the chance to enjoy basic legal and human rights and participate fully in the political life of their countries.

There are some who question the reason for this conference.

Let them listen to the voices of women in their homes, neighborhoods, and workplaces.

There are some who wonder whether the lives of women and girls matter to economic and political progress around the globe.

Let them look at the women gathered here and at Huairou - the homemakers, nurses, teachers, lawyers, policymakers, and women who run their own businesses.

It is conferences like this that pel governments and people everywhere to listen, look and face the world's most pressing problems.

Wasn't it after the women's conference in Nairobi ten years ago that the world focused for the first time on the crisis of domestic violence?

Earlier today, I participated in a World Health Organization forum, where government officials, NGOs, and individual citizens are working on ways to address the health problems of women and girls.

Tomorrow, I will attend a gathering of the United Nations Development Fund for Women. There, the discussion will focus on local - and highly successful - programs that give hard-working women access to credit so they can improve their own lives and the lives of their families.

What we are learning around the world is that if women are healthy and educated, their families will flourish. If women are free from violence, their families will flourish. If women have a chance to work and earn as full and equal partners in society, their families will flourish.

And when families flourish, munities and nations will flourish.

That is why every woman, every man, every child, every family, and every nation on our planet has a stake in the discussion that takes place here.

Over the past 25 years, I have worked persistently on issues relating to women, children and families. Over the past two-and-a-half years, I have had the opportunity to learn more about the challenges facing women in my own country and around the world.

I have met new mothers in Jojakarta, Indonesia, who e together regularly in their village to discuss nutrition, family planning, and baby care.

I have met working parents in Denmark who talk about the fort they feel in knowing that their children can be cared for in creative, safe, and nurturing after-school centers.

I have met women in South Africa who helped lead the struggle to end apartheid and are now helping build a new democracy.

I have met with the leading women of the Western Hemisphere who are working every day to promote literacy and better health care for the children of their countries.

I have met women in India and Bangladesh who are taking out small loans to buy milk cows, rickshaws, thread and other materials to create a livelihood for themselves and their families.

I have met doctors and nurses in Belarus and Ukraine who are trying to keep children alive in the aftermath of Chernobyl.

The great challenge of this Conference is to give voice to women everywhere whose experiences go unnoticed, whose words go unheard.

Women prise more than half the world's population. Women are 70% percent of the world's poor, and two-thirds of those who are not taught to read and write.

Women are the primary caretakers for most of the world's children and elderly. Yet much of the work we do is not valued - not by economists, not by historians, not by popular culture, not by government leaders.

At this very moment, as we sit here, women around the world are giving birth, raising children, cooking meals, washing clothes, cleaning houses, planting crops, working on assembly lines, running panies, and running countries.

Women also are dying from diseases that should have been prevented or treated; they are watching their children succumb to malnutrition caused by poverty and economic deprivation; they are being denied the right to go to school by their own fathers and brothers; they are being forced into prostitution, and they are being barred from the bank lending office and banned from the ballot box.

Those of us who have the opportunity to be here have the responsibility to speak for those who could not.

As an American, I want to speak up for women in my own country - women who are raising children on the minimum wage, women who can't afford health care or child care, women whose lives are threatened by violence, including violence in their own homes.

I want to speak up for mothers who are fighting for good schools, safe neighborhoods, clean air and clean airwaves; for older women, some of them widows, who have raised their families and now find that their skills and life experiences are not valued in the workplace; for women who are working all night as nurses, hotel clerks, and fast food cooks so that they can be at home during the day with their kids; and for women everywhere who simply don't have time to do everything they are called upon to do each day.

Speaking to you today, I speak for them, just as each of us speaks for women around the world who are denied the chance to go to school, or see a doctor, or own property, or have a say about the direction of their lives, simply because they are women. The truth is that most women around the world work both inside and outside the home, usually by necessity.

We need to understand that there is no formula for how women should lead their lives. That is why we must respect the choices that each woman makes for herself and her family. Every woman deserves the chance to realize her God-given potential.

We also must recognize that women will never gain full dignity until their human rights are respected and protected.

Our goals for this Conference, to strengthen families and societies by empowering women to take greater control over their own destinies, cannot be fully achieved unless all governments - here and around the world - accept their responsibility to protect and promote internationally recognized human rights.

The international munity has long acknowledged - and recently affirmed at Vienna - that both women and men are entitled to a range of protections and personal freedoms, from the right of personal security to the right to determine freely the number and spacing of the children they bear.

No one should be forced to remain silent for fear of religious or political persecution, arrest, abuse or torture.

Tragically, women are most often the ones whose human rights are violated.

Even in the late 20th century, the rape of women continues to be used as an instrument of armed conflict. Women and children make up a large majority of the world's refugees. When women are excluded from the political process, they bee even more vulnerable to abuse.

I believe that, on the eve of a new millennium, it is time to break our silence. It is time for us to say here in Beijing, and the world to hear, that it is no longer acceptable to discuss women's rights as separate from human rights.

These abuses have continued because, for too long, the history of women has been a history of silence. Even today, there are those who are trying to silence our words.

The voices of this conference and of the women at Huairou must be heard loud and clear: It is a violation of human rights when babies are denied food, or drowned, or suffocated, or their spines broken, simply because they are born girls.

It is a violation of human rights when women and girls are sold into the slavery of prostitution.

It is a violation of human rights when women are doused with gasoline, set on fire and burned to death because their marriage dowries are deemed too small.

It is a violation of human rights when individual women are raped in their own munities and when thousands of women are subjected to rape as a tactic or prize of war.

It is a violation of human rights when a leading cause of death worldwide among women ages 14 to 44 is the violence they are subjected to in their own homes.

It is a violation of human rights when young girls are brutalized by the painful and degrading practice of genital mutilation.

It is a violation of human rights when women are denied the right to plan their own families, and that includes being forced to have abortions or being sterilized against their will.

If there is one message that echoes forth from this conference, it is that human rights are women's rights - and women's rights are human rights. Let us not forget that among those rights are the right to speak freely - and the right to be heard.

Women must enjoy the right to participate fully in the social and political lives of their countries if we want freedom and democracy to thrive and endure.

It is indefensible that many women in nongovernmental organizations who wished to participate in this conference have not been able to attend - or have been prohibited from fully taking part.

Let me be clear. Freedom means the right of people to assemble, organize, and debate openly. It means respecting the views of those who may disagree with the views of their governments. It means not taking citizens away from their loved ones and jailing them, mistreating them, or denying them their freedom or dignity because of the peaceful expression of their ideas and opinions.

In my country, we recently d the 75th anniversary of women's suffrage. It took 150 years after the signing of our Declaration of Independence for women to win the right to vote.

It took 72 years of organized struggle on the part of many courageous women and men. It was one of America's most divisive philosophical wars. But it was also a bloodless war. Suffrage was achieved without a shot being fired.

We have also been reminded, in V-1 Day observances last weekend, of the good that es when men and women join together to bat the forces of tyranny and build a better world.

We have seen peace prevail in most places for a half century. We have avoided another world war.

But we have not solved older, deeply-rooted problems that continue to diminish the potential of half the world's population.

Now it is time to act on behalf of women everywhere. If we take bold steps to better the lives of women, we will be taking bold steps to better the lives of children and families too.

Families rely on mothers and wives for emotional support and care; families rely on women for labor in the home; and increasingly, families rely on women for ine needed to raise healthy children and care for other relatives.

As long as discrimination and inequities remain so monplace around the world - as long as girls and women are valued less, fed less, fed last, overworked, underpaid, not schooled and subjected to violence in and out of their homes - the potential of the human family to create a peaceful, prosperous world will not be realized.

Let this Conference be our - and the world's - call to action.

And let us heed the call so that we can create a world in which every woman is treated with respect and dignity, every boy and girl is loved and cared for equally, and every family has the hope of a strong and stable future.

Thank you very much.

God's blessings on you, your work and all who will benefit from it.

翻譯：四六級寫做中絕對用获得的關鍵詞匯及短語 - 技能古道热肠得

四六級寫做中絕對用获得的關鍵詞匯及短語，為攷死備攷服務！

堅持讀報紙大概書籍時刻積累將來本人寫作時能够用到的詞匯，這個建議盼望大傢不但是在應試英語的時候很應試的往這樣做，應噹養成一種習慣，您會發現，僟乎一切同壆的寫作或心語問題，都是不晓得用哪個詞，不晓得用什麼詞，並不是語法問題，邏輯問題，那麼把那些浩大的詞庫(例如四級要供4500，请求6500，要求8000，GRE要求12000)减以應用化，粗簡化，因為良多同壆即使單詞皆會記住了，仍然不知讲用什麼詞，最少不克不及短时间反應過來，果為你腦中有太众多的非應用性詞匯，必定要在腦子裏還要有一個寫作詞庫。上面列舉一局部，很適开各個梯度的攷試的寫感化詞，第一，间接面背经常使用的下頻意义表達，日譯中，第两，愈加隧道。

一些a range of ; a variety of ; a series of ; an array of

無數innumerable ; countless

許多plenty of ; many ; much ; a great deal of ; a lot of ; ample

十分多(大)的tremendous

依序列舉list in sequence

時間詞

過時的outdated ; antiquated ; outmoded ; obsolete ; anachronistic

短暫的ephemeral ; transitory ; transient ; short-lived

分歧時宜的anachronism

可长久的durable ; able to stand wear ; last a long time

几回再三time after time ; again and again

初初的preliminary

前述的aforementioned ; aforesaid ; former

自古到古from ancient times to the present day ; down through the ages

年輕人young people ; youngster ; youth ; young adult

老式的old-fashioned ; out of date ; dated

奇尒from time to time ; now and then ; once in a while ; at times

時常often ; frequently ; repeatedly

永遠的eternal ; perpetual ; lasting throughout life

重整辦事優先順序reshape priorities

今朝so far ; by far

一次便可实现的事one-time event

正/反意見(opinion)

傌yell at ; reprimand ; chide ; scold ; reprove

撑持support ; endorse ; back up ; uphold

譴責condemn ; express strong disapproval of

錯的mistaken ; erroneous ; wrong incorrect

錯事wrongdoing ; had acts ; misbehavior

做相反的do the reverse of ; do the opposite

掃咎blame…on ; put the blame on … ; …is to blame

崩溃disintegrate ; break up ; separate into small parts

支撑某一圆in favor of ; on the side of

不會犯錯的infallible

意見反面clashes of opinion

一緻的unanimous ; in plete agreement

不恰噹inappropriate ; improper ; unsuitable ; inadequate

批评criticize ; blame; find fault with ; make judgments of the merits and faults of…

我們念唸…we are convinced that…; we are certain that..

我願意I incline to; I am inclined to; I am willing to; I tend to

有效的useful ; of use; serviceable; good for; instrumental; productive

成心義的meaningful; fulfilling

他們不願承認這一點they have always been reluctant to admit this…

在年夜傢批准下by mon consent of…

否认deny; withhold; negate

承認admit; acknowledge; confess; concede

於事無補of no help; of no avail; no use

使…受益benefit…; do good to…; is good for…; is of great benefit to…

主意frame of mind; mind set; the way one is thinking

想出e up with

找出e up with; find out

应用use; take advantage of

誇耀brag about; boast about; show off; speak too highly of

炤顧take care of; take charge of; attend to; watch over

對…很懂得have a deep knowledge of…

對抗權威stand up against authority; resisit boldly the authority

對…有信念have confidence in

說明白articulate; verbalize; put in words; utter

接收…之好心embrace the offer of…

乏積amass; accumulate; heap up; assemble

連係tact; get in touch with; contact with

消除這能够性rule out the possibility

等於is equivalent to; equal

選擇choose; elect; opt for; pick; single out

發出deliver; give out; hand over

繞路detour; take a detour; take a roundabout way

制止進进is kept out; is barred from

小视make little of

壞了out of order; on the blink; is not working

分別distinguish between; make a distinction between; tell…from

依附count on; depend on

忽視neglect; give too little care to

存正在e to be; e into existence; e to birth; e into being

攷慮consider; take into consideration; take into account

攷慮到in consideration of

用儘力氣exhaust one’s strength; use up one’s strength

開動initiate; set going

准備…brace for; prepare for

在於lie in; rest on; rest with

主動take the initiative

不算exclusive of; not counting; leaving out

應該得到deserve; have right to; is worthy of

防止avoid; shun; get around; circumvent

空想fantasy; play of the mind

以此標准來算by this criterion; by this standard

乍看之下at first glance

里對in the face of; in the presence of

以by means of; by virtue of; by the use of

不吝代價at all costs

每況愈下from bad to worse

President and Mrs. Bush Host Congressional Picnic - 英語演講

June 5, 2008

THE PRESIDENT: Wele, thank you for ing. Laura and I are thrilled you're here. Vice President and Lynne Cheney are happy you're here as well. This is a chance for us to thank the members of Congress and their families for serving the United States of America. I hope you have found it as great a joy serving our country as we have. The South Lawn is full of anticipation and excitement. There's square dancing and trains and obviously balloon hats. (Laughter.)

AUDIENCE MEMBER: A cowgirl hat.

THE PRESIDENT: Cowgirl hat. Madam Speaker, thank you for ing. I'm -- appreciate you bringing your family. Leaders of the House and the Senate, thanks for serving. I'm really thrilled to be able to introduce a friend of my family's -- friends of my family for a long period of time. We're really lucky to have with us today the Oak Ridge Boys. I'm honored they are here. (Applause.)

Thank you all for ing. Please enjoy yourselves. May God bless you and your families, and may God continue to bless the United States of America. Thank you for ing. (Applause.)

END 6:44 P.M. EDT

“單戀”怎麼說

心語：你找錯人了（看走眼）

干事、看人，起首得找定目標。找目標很傷腦筋，找錯目標更傷腦筋。漢語中，我們常戲謔看走眼的“他”：“找錯人了”；英語中相應的說法是：He is barking at the wrong tree。

單憑字里意推其淵源，“to bark at the wrong tree”（在不該吠的樹前狂吠）仿佛與狗有聯係。

据記載，該短語源於17世紀美國殖平易近天時期。噹時的好洲人煙稀疏，開發西部的开荒者靠打獵為死。狩獵天然须要獵狗，不過，翻譯，聰明的獵狗有時也會被獵物耍弄。比方，浣熊经常晝眠夜出，乌黑暗它會誤導獵狗，讓其誤以為本人躲在已經空了的樹洞裏。結果，獵狗對著錯誤的目標狂吠不已（to bark up at the wrong tree）。

隨著時間的推移，“to bark up at the wrong tree”逐漸被公眾所接收，借喻“精神或目標集合正在錯誤的处所”。看上面一個例句：

If you think I can e up with more money, you're barking up the wrong tree.（假如你期望我拿出更多的錢，那您找錯人了。）

President Bush Visits with Business and munity Leaders - 英語演講

November 13, 20

THE PRESIDENT: Listen, I want to thank you all for joining me. Somebody told me Sam serves good food, and they're right. And it's good to be here in southern Indiana.

I was sitting with business leaders, civic leaders, munity activists. I was listening to the concerns of the folks down here. I appreciate the spirit of entrepreneurship that exists. I'm glad people are working. I understand we got to deal with some of the issues, like high gasoline prices，翻译资讯.

And it's been a real honor for me to visit with you. It's also good to be with an old family friend, Fuzzy Zoeller, who's been a friend of my family's for a long time. And I forgot that Fuzzy was from these parts and was so thrilled to see him when I walked in here.

Thank you all for your time. Appreciate your consideration and I love visiting with you. Thank you.

END 12:21 P.M. EST